Saturday, January 25, 2020
Similarities Between Iranian And Malaysian Culture Religion Essay
Similarities Between Iranian And Malaysian Culture Religion Essay In this document some similarities between Iranian and Malaysian culture have been illustrated. Since both Iran and Malaysia are Muslim countries, there are many similarities between Iranian and Malaysian culture. For example I start with the Malaysian and Iranian universities. All of the universities in Iran are Islamic universities while there are a few none Islamic universities in Malaysia. There is a mosque in all Iranian universities which is located at the center of the university. Recently Iranian Islamic government has decided to separate males and females in the universities in which some universities only register males and other universities only register females. I dont think separating males and females in the university be a good idea because in this situation boys and girls wont be able to see each other and choose their future partner but in Malaysian universities boys and girls have the opportunity to make friend to each other and select their future partner. There are 3 different type of mosques in Malaysia namely Vernacular Mosques, Colonial Mosques, Modern Mosques. The third model is very similar to Iranian mosques and the following is a brief description of Modern Mosques in Malaysia: Many local architects were involved in the design of new mosques in Malaysia since independence. The architectural styles of the modern mosques have changed gradually in parallel with the development in structural advances, construction methods, contemporary designs of mosques as well as increased local interests toward Islamic architecture. With the advent of science and technology, modern mosques are constructed in a larger scale to accommodate the increasing number of Friday congregations. Concrete, bricks, steel, stone and marble are commonly used in the construction of modern mosques. Onion-shaped or top-shaped domes, tall minarets and high ceilings are common features found in the modern mosques. The modern mosques usually incorporate well-designed landscape elements including plants, water features, patterned pavements, garden lightings and signages. The Putra Mosque in the early morning The architectural styles of the modern mosque can be classified into two categories. The first category is the modern styles which emphasise the advancement in building technology and engineering. For example, the National Mosque in Kuala Lumpur has a minaret of 245 feet in height and an umbrella-like roof. The mosque was constructed of reinforced concrete faced with Italian marble. Its main prayer hall can accommodate more than 3,000 people for prayer at one time whilst its surrounding galleries, topped with numerous small domes, can hold an additional of 5,000 people. The mosque also has a number of rooms used for various functions such as a library, offices, royal guest rooms, Imams room and store rooms. The second category of modern mosque is the Islamic influences which incorporate the styles of many mosques found in Islamic countries including Turkey, the Middle East and Northern Africa. For instance, the design and colour of the Sultan Abdul Aziz Mosque in Shah Alam, Selangor was reflective of the infamous Ottoman mosque in Istanbul, Turkey. The mosque has four high minarets at the four corners of the building surrounded by well-kept landscape. Another example is the white-colour Ibai Mosque at Kuala Terengganu which was built on water and its architecture bears a resemblance to the Northern African mosque. Examples of modern mosques with modern structures are Sultan Ahmad I Mosque, Kuantan, Pahang (1964), National Mosque, Kuala Lumpur (1965), State Mosque, Seremban, Negeri Sembilan (1967), State Mosque, Kangar, Perlis (1972), Sultan Idris Shah II Mosque, Ipoh, Perak (1978), State Mosque, Penang (1980) and KLCC Mosque, Kuala Lumpur (1998). Examples of modern mosques with Islamic influence are Al-Malik Khalid Mosque, Universiti Sains Malaysia, Penang (1975), Sultan Abdul Aziz Mosque, Shah Alam, Selangor (1989) and Ibai Mosque of Kampung Cendering, Kuala Terengganu, Terengganu (1994). 2-2 Iran From Cordoba to Delhi, from Sarajevo to the Niger, the mosque (masjid in Persian and Arabic) or house of prayer is the outstanding symbol of Islam, the focus of worship, and contemplation, the meeting place of man with man, and of man with God. Its forms are more varied and its uses more widespread than those of the Christian cathedral or church. While primarily a place of worship, it is also an assembly hall, often a religious college, sometimes a court of .justice, even, to some extent, a poor mans club. The majority of Iranian mosques conform, in whole or in part, to a plan that in Iran must be regarded as the norm. It consists of a an open central court, sometimes large enough to be planted with trees or flowers, with a large portal or ivan, on the side facing towards Mecca, which leads into a domed sanctuary. On the other three sides of the court there are arcades and altars and in the center of each side another, though smaller, ivan. To the left and right of the sanctuary there may be arcaded halls, and in addition balconies (often reserved for the use of women worshippers) from which a view of the mihrab can be obtained. In the grander mosques the south ivan, leading into the sanctuary, and sometimes also the north ivan, which is frequently the main entrance to the mosque. Minarets: The earliest minarets were square, at least in their lower stories, but few of these survive in Iran today. The round minaret originated in north-east Iran and was built of brick, tapering towards the summit. Until at least the thirteenth century, minarets were almost invariably single and placed in the north comer of the mosque. Since the fifteenth century minarets have generally been covered with mosaic or colored tiles, in the taste of the period. In general, Iran, compared with, say, Turkey; is markedly deficient in minarets. Only at Esfahan do they occupy a prominent place in the landscape. Shrines: Nearly every town in Iran has its quota of shrines, and the village or wayside shrines are a recurring feature of the Iranian landscape. In general they are modest, circular, four-sided or octagonal buildings, surmounted by a cone or dome. Many have charm but no great architectural merit; the famous shrines, rambling structures which have received additions from generations of the devout, are among the most splendid, and in some cases the most opulent, buildings in Iran. The lesser shrines, unlike the mosques, have a distinct re2jonal character. Tombs: Secular tombs fall into two clearly marked architectural categories -the domed mausoleum and the tomb tower. The former has certain affinities with the larger shrine. It is frequently octagonal rising through squinches and galleries into a circular dome. It is built for show, inside and out. meant to be visited. the last resting place of a chieftain who may have had no claim to sainthood, but expected to be duly revered when he was dead. Tomb towers, which are mainly confined to northern Iran. were conceived in a different spirit. They were gaunt, remote, solitary resting places, not meant to be frequented by admirers in generations to come. Palaces: There are substantial remains of Achaemenian and Sassanian palaces, impressive both in size and in detail, some of which, as at Persepolis, have been almost miraculously preserved; but when all is said they are ruins. Of Seljuk and Mongol royal residences, however, all trace has disappeared. It is only from Safavid times that royal houses have survived intact, and even then the crop is disappointing. For practical purposes, Safavid palaces are confined to Esfahan. Bridges: More essential for the maintenance of communications than caravansaries, the building of bridges, which where both sturdy and a pleasure to the eye, continued until recently. Well-constructed hump-backed bridges of ancient dates are to be found in many parts of the country -the outstanding examples of which you will see at Esfahan: the Allah Verdi Khan (1629) and the Khaju (1660). These two mighty structures are among the most impressive monuments in Esfahan, and are two of the most remarkable bridges in the world, of their kind, and still in service. MARRIAGE, FAMILY, AND KINSHIP 3-1 Malaysia Since both Iran and Malaysia are Muslim countries, marriage in both countries are influence by Islam therefore there are many similarities between these two countries. The following shows the marriage in the Malaysian style and then marriage in the Iranian style will be illustrated after that. Marriage. Even with significant changes in marriage practices, weddings reveal the sharp differences in Malaysian society. There are two ways to marry: registering the union with the government; and joining in marriage before a religious authority. Christian Malaysians may marry Buddhists or Hindus answering only to their families and beliefs; Muslim Malaysians who marry non-Muslims risk government sanction unless their partner converts to Islam. Marriage practices emphasize Malaysias separate ethnic customs. Indians and Chinese undertake divination rites in search of compatibility and auspicious dates, while Malays have elaborate gift exchanges. Malay wedding feasts are often held in the home, and feature a large banquet with several dishes eaten over rice prepared in oil (to say one is going to eat oiled rice means that a wedding is imminent). Many Chinese weddings feature a multiple-course meal in a restaurant or public hall, and most Indian ceremonies include intricate rituals. S ince married partners join families as well as individuals, the meeting between prospective in-laws is crucial to the success of the union. For most Malaysians marriage is a crucial step toward adulthood. Although the average age for marriage continues to increase, being single into ones thirties generates concern for families and individuals alike. The social importance of the institution makes interethnic marriage an issue of considerable stress. Domestic Unit. Malaysian households have undergone a tremendous transformation following the changes in the economy. The shift from agricultural commodities to industrial production has made it difficult for extended families to live together. Yet as family mobility expands, as a result of modern schedules, efforts to maintain kin ties also increase. Improved telecommunications keep distant kin in contact, as does the efficient transportation network. A dramatic example of this occurs on the major holidays when millions return to hometowns for kin reunions. Inheritance. The critical issue of inheritance is land. With the importance Malays place on land ownership, it is rarely viewed as a commodity for sale, and the numerous empty houses that dot the Malaysian landscape are testament to their absentee-owners unwillingness to sell. Gold is also a valuable inheritance; Malaysians from all groups readily turn extra cash into gold as a form of insurance for the future. Kin Groups. The crucial kin distinctions in Malaysian culture are between ethnic groups, which tend to limit intermarriage. Among the majority of Malays, kin groups are more horizontal than vertical, meaning that siblings are more important than ancestors. Those considered Malay make appropriate marriage partners; non-Malays do not. These distinctions are somewhat flexible, however, and those that embrace Islam and follow Malay customs are admitted as potential Malay marriage partners. Greater flexibility in kinship practices also appears among immigrant groups amid the fresh possibilities created by diasporic life. A striking example is the Baba community, Chinese who immigrated prior to British rule and intermarried with locals, developing their own hybrid language and cultural style. These dynamics point to the varied kinship arrangements possible between the different ethnic communities in Malaysian society. 3-2 Iran Marriage. In Iran women control marriages for their children, and much intrigue in domestic life revolves around marital matters. A mother is typically on the lookout for good marriage prospects at all times. Even if a mother is diffident about marriage brokering, she is obliged to clear the path for a marriage proposal. She does this by letting her counterpart in the other family know that a proposal is forthcoming, or would be welcome. She then must confer with her husband, who makes the formal proposal in a social meeting between the two families. This kind of background work is essential, because once the children are married, the two families virtually merge, and have extensive rights and obligations vis-Ã ¡-vis each other that are close to a sacred duty. It is therefore extremely important that the families be certain that they are compatible before the marriage takes place. Marriage within the family is a common strategy, and a young man of marriageable age has an absolute right of first refusal for his fathers brothers daughter-his patrilateral parallel cousin. The advantages for the families in this kind of marriage are great. They already know each other and are tied into the same social networks. Moreover, such a marriage serves to consolidate wealth from the grandparents generation for the family. Matrilateral cross-cousin marriages are also common, and exceed parallel-cousin marriages in urban areas, due perhaps to the wifes stronger influence in family affairs in cities. Although inbreeding would seem to be a potential problem, the historical preference for marriage within the family continues, waning somewhat in urban settings where other considerations such as profession and education play a role in the choice of a spouse. In 1968, 25 percent of urban marriages, 31 percent of rural marriages, and 51 percent of tribal marriages were reported as endogamous. These percentages appear to have increased somewhat following the Revolution. In Iran today a love match with someone outside of the family is clearly not at all impossible, but even in such cases, except in the most westernized families, the family visitation and negotiation must be observed. Traditional marriages involve a formal contract drawn up by a cleric. In the contract a series of payments are specified. The bride brings a dowry to the marriage usually consisting of household goods and her own clothing. A specified amount is written into the contract as payment for the woman in the event of divorce. The wife after marriage belongs to her husbands household and may have difficulty visiting her relatives if her husband does not approve. Nevertheless, she retains her own name, and may hold property in her own right, separate from her husband. The wedding celebration is held after the signing of the contract. It is really a prelude to the consummation of the marriage, which takes place typically at the end of the evening, or, in rural areas, at the end of several days celebration. In many areas of Iran it is still important that the bride be virginal, and the bedsheets are carefully inspected to ensure this. A wise mother gives her daughter a vial of chicken blood just in case. The new couple may live with their relatives for a time until they can set up their own household. This is more common in rural than in urban areas. Iran is an Islamic nation, and polygyny is allowed. It is not widely practiced, however, because Iranian officials in this century have followed the Islamic prescription that a man taking two wives must treat them with absolute equality. Women in polygynous marriages hold their husbands to this and will seek legal relief if they feel they are disadvantaged. Statistics are difficult to ascertain, but one recent study claims that only 1 percent of all marriages are polygynous. Divorce is less common in Iran than in the West. Families prefer to stay together even under difficult circumstances, since it is extremely difficult to disentangle the close network of interrelationships between the two extended families of the marriage pair. One recent study claims that the divorce rate is 10 percent in Iran. For Iranians moving to the United States the rate is 66 percent, suggesting that cultural forces tend to keep couples from separating. Children of a marriage belong to the father. After a divorce, men assume custody of boys over three years and girls over seven. Women have been known to renounce their divorce payment in exchange for custody of their children. There is no impediment to remarriage with another partner for either men or women. Domestic Unit. In traditional Iranian rural society the dinner cloth often defines the minimal family. Many branches of an extended family may live in rooms in the same compound. However, they may not all eat together on a daily basis. Sons and their wives and children are often working for their parents in anticipation of a birthright in the form of land or animals. When they receive this, they will leave and form their own separate household. In the meantime they live in their parents compound, but have separate eating and sleeping arrangements. Even after they leave their parents home, members of extended families have widespread rights to hospitality in the homes of even their most distant relations. Indeed, family members generally carry out most of their socializing with each other. Inheritance. Inheritance generally follows rules prescribed by Islamic law. Male children inherit full shares of their fathers estate, wives and daughters half-shares. An individual may make a religious bequest of specific goods or property that are then administered by the ministry of waqfs. Kin Groups. The patriarch is the oldest male of the family. He demands respect from other family members and often has a strong role in the future of young relatives. In particular it is common for members of an extended family to spread themselves out in terms of professions and influence. Some will go into government, others into the military, perhaps others join the clergy, and some may even become anti-government oppositionists. Families will attempt to marry their children into powerful families as much for their own sake as for the son or daughter. The general aim for the family is to extend its influence into as many spheres as possible. As younger members mature, older members of the family are expected to help them with jobs, introductions, and financial support. This is not considered corrupt or nepotistic, but is seen rather as one of the benefits of family membership.
Friday, January 17, 2020
Context reflects values Essay
Context is a clear reflection of the values of any era, especially in Shakespeareââ¬â¢s canonical play Hamlet. The events and characters in Hamlet embodies the historical context of shifting religions and political uncertainty that lead to a society imploding. Composed in the 1600s, the murder of a king and the encroachment of foreign power would have had particular resonance for the audience as there was an innate failed invasion of Britain by Spain and an attempted assassination in the Court of Queen Elizabeth I. Additionally, the character Hamlet in this Elizabethan era represents the uncertainty of Christian values and the Renaissance need for restoring the ordained hierarchy. Hamlet was composed in a time of great political uncertainty in English history in which the Queen Elizabeth I had withstood an assassination attempt, a foiled uprising and a failed invasion by Spain. The events of Hamlet , in which a King is murdered and a country ultimately forfeited to foreign power, would have had particular resonance for an Elizabethan audience. This disorder can be seen through the garden imagery woven through the play: ââ¬Å"unweeded garden in two months deadâ⬠. The disorder of the country is also seen through the incongruity of Gertrude and Claudiusââ¬â¢s reunion: ââ¬Å"Funeral bakââ¬â¢t meals are coldly furnished forth the marriage tablesâ⬠The period in which Shakespeare wrote was one of explosive growth in knowledge. The Renaissance has seen a revival of Classical learning (reflected in references to Vigil in Hamlet), world exploration was challenged and revolutionising peoplesââ¬â¢ conceptions of the universe with Ptolemaic heliocentric (sun-centered) model. Though Hamlet is an appropriation of a story told by Saxo Grammaticus, the ââ¬ËRevenge Tragedyââ¬â¢ prototype of Thomas Kyd and the Senecan Tragedy, Shakespeare transcends other tragedies by creating a protagonist that is more complex as Hamlet is a revenge hero that is reluctant to avenge. Through his inner conflict arising from his tragic flaw- procrastination, Hamlet represents the dichotomy of Christian values and the Renaissance need for order in the Elizabethan era. This conflict is crystallised in the Prayer Scene (III,iii)à when Hamlet is passing through to his motherââ¬â¢s room when he comes upon the kneeling Claudius and recognises that he has an opportunity to kill him. He decides not to since, he reasons, if he kills his uncle at prayer Claudius will go to heaven and not to hell ââ¬â that would be poor revenge. However, according to A.C. Bradley, this is Hamletââ¬â¢s fatal flaw ââ¬â procrastination as Hamlet tries to convince himself that this is his duty: ââ¬Å"Why, this is hire and salary, not revengeâ⬠, yet is moral code prevents him from avenging. To this point, the audience is convinced that even if Hamlet was to kill Claudius at prayer, Claudius would not go to heaven like what Hamlet had thought because of Claudiusââ¬â¢s ironic couplet: ââ¬Å"My words fly up, my thought remain below/ Words without thought never to heaven goâ⬠. Hamletââ¬â¢s conflict is also caused by his humanitarian self, denoted through his soliloquies and paralleling the age of enlightenment. In his soliloquy, he debates the medieval doctrines that demand for a son to absolve his fatherââ¬â¢s ââ¬Ëmurderââ¬â¢ with conflicting Christianity. In a bitter tone, his despair is denoted through self-laceration: ââ¬Å"lecherous, kindles villainâ⬠. Yet this is again an excuse for procrastinating as his frustration at ââ¬Ëthoughtââ¬â¢ prevails over any kind of ââ¬Ëresolutionââ¬â¢. In conclusion, it is obvious that the values of any era are reflected through its context. The events and characters in Hamlet mirrors the innate instability and religious upheaval of the 1600s.
Thursday, January 9, 2020
Common Numbering Systems Used in Genealogy
Have you ever been elated at the discovery of a compiled family history for your ancestors, only to find yourself confused by all of the numbers and what they mean? Family lineages presented in text, rather than in graphical format, require an organizational system to allow the user to easily follow lines down through descendants or back toward the original ancestors. These standard numbering systems are used to show relationships between generations in a family tree. In other words, who is connected to whom. When numbering your genealogy, it is best to adopt a well-established system that is easily interpreted. Even if youre using a genealogy software program to compile your family history, it is still important to understand the differences and formats of the most widely-used numbering systems. If you plan to publish your family history, genealogical quarterlies, magazines, and other publications may require a specific format, or a friend may send you a pedigree chart that uses one of these numbering systems. It isnt necessarily important to learn the ins and outs of every numbering system, but it helps to have at least a general understanding. Common Genealogical Numbering Systems While genealogy numbering systems vary in their organization, they all have in common the practice of identifying individuals and their relationships through a specific numbering sequence. Most numbering systems are used to display descendants of a given ancestor, while one, the ahnentafel, is used to display the ancestors of an individual. Ahnentafel - From a German word meaning ancestor table, an ahnentafel is an ancestor based numbering system. Good for presenting a lot of information in a compact format, and the most popular numbering system for ascending genealogies.Register Numbering System - Based on the numbering system used by the New England Historical and Genealogical Register, the register system is one of several options for numbering descendant reports.NGSQ Numbering System - Sometimes referred to as the Modified Register System from which it was adapted and modernized, this popular descendant numbering system is used in the National Genealogical Society Quarterly and in many other family history publications.Henry Numbering System - Yet another descendant numbering system, the Henry System is named after Reginald Buchanan Henry, who used it in his Genealogies of the Families of the Presidents. published in 1935. This system is less often used than the Register and NGSQ systems and is not accepted for cert ification projects or by most genealogical publications.
Wednesday, January 1, 2020
Verbing - The Process of Turning Nouns Into Verbs
In a single work day, we might head a task force, eye an opportunity, nose around for good ideas, mouth a greeting, elbow an opponent, strong-arm a colleague, shoulder the blame, stomach a loss, and finally, perhaps,à hand in our resignation. What were doing with all those body parts is called verbing--using nouns (or occasionally other parts of speech) as verbs. Verbing is a time-honored way of coining new words out of old ones, the etymological process of conversion (or functional shifting). Sometimes its also a kind of wordplay (anthimeria), as in Shakespeares King Richard the Second when the Duke of York says, Grace me no grace, and uncle me no uncles. Does Verbing Weird Language? Calvin and Hobbes once discussed verbing in Bill Wattersons great comic strip: Calvin: I like to verb words.ââ¬â¹Hobbes: What?Calvin: I take nouns and adjectives and use them as verbs. Remember when access was a thing? Now its something you do. It got verbed. . . . Verbing weirds language.Hobbes: Maybe we can eventually make language a complete impediment to understanding. Echoing Hobbes, countless language mavens have decried the practice of verbing--a filthy habit according to an editorial in Britains Guardian newspaper 20 years ago: Let us now resolve to bury . . . a practice which, in the closing months of the year, seemed increasingly to be defacing the English language: the pressing of decent defenceless nouns, which have gone about their business for centuries without giving the mildest offence or provocation, into service as verbs, sometimes in their original form but quite often after a process of horrible mutilation. Evidence of mutilated neologisms at that time included gift, diary, fax, fixture, message, example, and a doughnutà -- all functioning as verbs. Even the affable Richard Lederer has expressed impatience (or was he impatiented?) with verbing: We ought to accept new words that add color or vigor, but lets short-shrift the ones that dont. Wed like to guilt some writers and speakers into the habit of using words better instead of creating mutants the language doesnt need.(Richard Lederer and Richard Downs, The Write Way: The S.P.E.L.L. Guide to Real-Life Writing. Simon and Schuster, 1995) Love em or loathe em, a number of nouns have recently verbed their way into our conversations and dictionaries, including to contact, to impact, to access, to party, to author, to transition, to privilege, and to workshop. Verbing Makes English English New forms of words--as well as new uses for old words--take some getting used to. But the truth is, if those forms and uses stick around for awhile, we do get used to them. Psychologist Steven Pinker estimates that up to a fifth of English verbs are derived from nouns--including such ancient verbs as rain, snow, and thunder along with more recent converts like oil, pressure, referee, bottle, debut, audition, highlight, diagnose, critique, email, and mastermind. In fact, Pinker reminds us, easy conversion of nouns to verbs has been part of English grammar for centuries; it is one of the processes that make English English (The Language Instinct, 1994). For your amusement or annoyance, lets close (a 13th-century verb that became a noun a century later) with a few contemporary specimens of verbing: When the smart guys started this business of securitizing things that didnt even exist in the first place, who was running the firms they worked for?(quoted by Calvin Trillin in Wall Street Smarts. The New York Times, October 13, 2009)We talked about the project. We dialogued--passionately yet civilly--remembering our earlier discussions about the need for all of us to practice active listening, agree to disagree, . . . using I think and I feel statements, solicit others opinions, and practice the Platinum Rule of treating others how they want to be treated. We dialogued and dialogued.(Christine M. Cress et al., Learning Through Serving: A Student Guidebook for Service-Learning Across the Disciplines. Stylus Publishing, 2005)It takes a certain kind of teacher to turn a teenage student who regularly truanted PE lessons into a county athlete in a matter of months.(Liz Ford, New Teachers and Old, Excelling All Round. The Guardian, July 3, 2007)For sports lovers, you can try to get a bat or a golf club personally signatured by one of their favorite sportspersons, which is bound to be a real treat.(Exotic Christmas Gift Ideas at the website Christmas Gifts Guide, 2009)An amateur baseball powerhouse, Cuba joined the tournament in 1939 and immediately beat Nicaragua for the title. Since then, it has won 25 titles in 37 tournaments and has medaled 29 times.(Benjamin Hoffman, U.S. in Contention at 2009 Baseball World Cup. The New York Times, September 19, 2009) In 10 or 20 years well revisit these upstart verbs to see how many have gained full admittance to the language.
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